----------------------------------------------------------
Historical Introductions
to the Symbolical books
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church.
by F. Bente
Published in:
_Triglot Concordia:
The Symbolical Books of the Ev. Lutheran Church_.
(St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1921)
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III. The Augsburg Confession.
18. Diet Proclaimed by Emperor.
January 21, 1530, Emperor Charles V proclaimed a diet to convene at
Augsburg on the 8th of April. The manifesto proceeded from Bologna,
where, three days later, the Emperor was crowned by Pope Clement VII.
The proclamation, after referring to the Turkish invasion and the
action to be taken with reference to this great peril, continues as
follows: "The diet is to consider furthermore what might and ought to
be done and resolved upon regarding the division and separation in the
holy faith and the Christian religion; and that this may proceed the
better and more salubriously, [the Emperor urged] to allay divisions,
to cease hostility, to surrender past errors to our Savior, and to
display diligence in hearing, understanding, and considering with love
and kindness the opinions and views of everybody, in order to reduce
them to one single Christian truth and agreement, to put aside
whatever has not been properly explained or done by either party, so
that we all may adopt and hold one single and true religion; and may
all live in one communion, church, and unity, even as we all live and
do battle under one Christ."
In his invitation to attend the diet, the Emperor at the same time
urged the Elector of Saxony by all means to appear early enough (the
Elector reached Augsburg on May 2, while the Emperor did not arrive
before June 16), "lest the others who arrived in time be compelled to
wait with disgust, heavy expenses, and detrimental delay such as had
frequently occurred in the past." The Emperor added the warning: In
case the Elector should not appear, the diet would proceed as if he
had been present and assented to its resolutions. (Foerstemann,
_Urkundenbuch_, 1, 7 f.)
March 11 the proclamation reached Elector John at Torgau. On the 14th
Chancellor Brueek advised the Elector to have "the opinion on which
our party has hitherto stood and to which they have adhered," in the
controverted points, "properly drawn up in writing, with a thorough
confirmation thereof from the divine Scriptures." On the same day the
Elector commissioned Luther, Jonas, Bugenhagen, and Melanchthon to
prepare a document treating especially of "those articles on account
of which said division, both in faith and in other outward church
customs and ceremonies, continues." (43.) At Wittenberg the theologians
at once set to work, and the result was presented at Torgau March 27
by Melanchthon. On April 4 the Elector and his theologians set out
from Torgau, arriving at Coburg on the 15th, where they rested for
eight days. On the 23d of April the Elector left for Augsburg, while
Luther, who was still under the ban of both the Pope and the Emperor,
remained at the fortress Ebernburg. Nevertheless he continued in close
touch with the confessors, as appears from his numerous letters
written to Augsburg, seventy all told, about twenty of which were
addressed to Melanchthon.
19. Apology Original Plan of Lutherans.
The documents which the Wittenberg theologians delivered at Torgau
treated the following subjects: Human Doctrines and Ordinances,
Marriage of Priests, Both Kinds, Mass, Confession, Power of Bishops,
Ordination, Monastic.Vows, Invocation of the Saints, German Singing,
Faith and Works, Office of the Keys (Papacy), Ban, Marriage, and
Private Mass. Accordingly, the original intention of the Lutherans was
not to enter upon, and present for discussion at Augsburg, such
doctrines as were not in controversy (Of God, etc.), but merely to
treat of the abuses and immediately related doctrines, especially of
Faith and Good Works. (66 ff.) They evidently regarded it as their
chief object and duty to justify before the Emperor and the estates
both Luther and his protectors, the electors of Saxony. This is borne
out also by the original Introduction to the contemplated Apology,
concerning which we read in the prefatory remarks to the so-called
Torgau Articles mentioned above: "To this end [of justifying the
Elector's peaceable frame of mind] it will be advantageous to begin
[the projected Apology] with a lengthy rhetorical introduction." (68;
_C.R._, 26,171.) This introduction, later on replaced by another, was
composed by Melanchthon at Coburg and polished by him during the first
days at Augsburg. May 4 he remarks in a letter to Luther: "I have
shaped the Exordium of our Apology somewhat more rhetorical
(rhehtorikohteron) than I had written it at Coburg." (_C.R._, 2, 40;
Luther, St. L. 16, 652.) In this introduction Melanchthon explains:
Next to God the Elector builds his hope on the Emperor, who had always
striven for peace, and was even now prepared to adjust the religious
controversy in mildness. As to the Elector and his brother Frederick,
they had ever been attached to the Christian religion, had proved
faithful to the Emperor, and had constantly cultivated peace. Their
present position was due to the fact that commandments of men had been
preached instead of faith in Christ. Not Luther, but Luther's
opponents, had begun the strife. It was for conscience' sake that the
Elector had not proceeded against Luther. Besides, such action would
only have made matters worse, since Luther had resisted the
Sacramentarians and the Anabaptists. Equally unfounded were also the
accusations that the Evangelicals had abolished all order as well as
all ceremonies, and had undermined the authority of the bishops. If
only the bishops would tolerate the Gospel and do away with the gross
abuses, they would suffer no loss of power, honor, and prestige. In
concluding Melanchthon emphatically protests: "Never has a reformation
been undertaken so utterly without any violence as this [in Saxony];
for it is a public fact that our men have prevailed with such as were
already in arms to make peace." (Kolde, _l. c._, 13.) The document,
accordingly, as originally planned for presentation at Augsburg, was
to be a defense of Luther and his Elector. In keeping herewith it was
in the beginning consistently designated "Apology."
20. Transformation of Apology into Confession Due to Eck's Slanders.
This plan, however, was modified when the Lutherans, after reaching
Augsburg, heard of and read the 404 Propositions published by Dr. John
Eck, in which Luther was classified with Zwingli, Oecolampadius,
Carlstadt, Pirkheimer, Hubmaier, and Denk, and was charged with every
conceivable heresy. In a letter of March 14, accompanying the copy of
his Propositions which Eck sent to the Emperor, he refers to Luther as
the domestic enemy of the Church (_hostis ecelesiae domesticus_), who
has fallen into every Scylla and Charybdis of iniquity; who speaks of
the Pope as the Antichrist and of the Church as the harlot; who has
praise for none but heretics and schismatics; whom the Church has to
thank for th@ Iconoclasts, Sacramentarians, New Hussites, Anabaptists,
New Epicureans, who teach that the soul is mortal, and the Cerinthians;
who rehashes all the old heresies condemned more than a thousand years
ago, etc. (Plitt, _Einleitung in die Augustana_, 1, 527 ff.) Such and
similar slanders had been disseminated by the Papists before this, and
they continued to do so even after the Lutherans, at Augsburg, had
made a public confession of their faith and had most emphatically
disavowed all ancient and modern heresies. Thus Cochlaeus asserted in
his attack on the Apology, published 1534, that Lutheranism was a
concoction of all the old condemned heresies, that Luther taught
fifteen errors against the article of God, and Melanchthon nine
against the Nicene Creed, etc. Luther, he declared, had attacked the
doctrine of the Trinity in a coarser fashion than Arius. (Salig,
_Historie d. Augsb. Konf._, 1, 377.)
These calumniations caused the Lutberans to remodel and expand the
defense originally planned into a document which should not merely
justify the changes made by them with regard to customs and ceremonies,
but also, present as fully as possible the doctrinal articles which
they held over against ancient and modern heresies, falsely imputed to
them. Thus to some extent it is due to the scurrility of Eck that the
contemplated Apology was transformed into an all-embracing Confession,
a term employed by Melanchthon himself. In a letter to Luther, dated
May 11, 1530, he wrote: "Our Apology is being sent to you, - though it
is rather a Confession. Mittitur tibi apologia nostra, quamquam
verius confessio est. I included [in the Confession] almost all
articles of faith, because Eck published most diabolical lies against
us, quia Eckius edidit diabolikohtatas diabolas contra nos. Against
these it was my purpose to provide an antidote." (_C.R._ 2, 45;
Luther, St. L. 16, 654.)
This is in accord also with Melanchthon's account in his Preface of
September 29, 1559, to the German Corpus Doctrinae (Philippicum),
stating: "Some papal scribblers had disseminated pasquinades at the
diet [at Augsburg, 1530], which reviled our churches with horrible
lies, charging that they taught many condemned errors, and were like
the Anabaptists, erring and rebellious. Answer had to be made to His
Imperial Majesty, and in order to refute the pasquinades, it was
decided to include all articles of Christian doctrine in proper
succession, that every one might see how unjustly our churches were
slandered in the lying papal writings. . . . Finally, this Confession
was, as God directed and guided, drawn up by me in the manner
indicated, and the venerable Doctor Martin Luther was pleased with
it." (_C.R._ 9, 929.)
The original plan, however, was not entirely abandoned, but merely
extended by adding a defense also against the various heresies with
which the Lutherans were publicly charged. This was done in an
objective presentation of the principal doctrines held by the
Lutherans, for which the Marburg and Schwabach Articles served as
models and guides.
21. Marburg, Schwabach, and Torgau Articles.
The material from which Melanchthon constructed the Augsburg
Confession is, in the last analysis, none other than the Reformation
truths which Luther had proclaimed since 1517 with ever-increasing
clarity and force. In particular, he was guided by, and based his
labor on, the Marburg Articles, the Schwabach Articles, and the
so-called Torgau Articles. The Marburg Articles, fifteen in number,
had been drawn up by Luther, in 1529, at the Colloquy of Marburg,
whence he departed October 5, about six months before the Diet at
Augsburg. (Luther, St. L., 17, 1138 f.) The seventeen Schwabach
Articles were composed by Luther, Melanchthon, Jonas, Brenz, and
Agricola, and presented to the Convention at Smalcald about the middle
of October, 1529. According to recent researches the Schwabach
Articles antedated the Marburg Articles and formed the basis for them.
(Luther, Weimar Ed., 30, 3, 97. 107.) In 1530 Luther published these
Articles, remarking: "It is true that I helped to draw up such
articles; for they were not composed by me alone." This public
statement discredits the opinion of v. Schubert published in 1908,
according to which Melanchthon is the sole author of the Schwabach
Articles, Luther's contribution and participation being negligible.
The Schwabach Articles constitute the seventeen basic articles of the
first part of the Augsburg Confession. (St.L. 16, 638. 648. 564;
_C.R._ 26, 146 f.)
The so-called Torgau Articles are the documents referred to above,
touching chiefly upon the abuses. Pursuant to the order of the Elector,
they were prepared by Luther and his assistants, Melanchthon,
Bugenhagen, and possibly also Jonas. They are called Torgau Articles
because the order for drafting them came from Torgau (March 14), and
because they were presented to the Elector at Torgau. (Foerstemann, 1,
66; _C.R._ 26, 171; St. L. 16, 638.) With reference to these articles
Luther wrote (March 14) to Jonas, who was then still conducting the
visitation: "The Prince has written to us, that is, to you, Pomeranus,
Philip, and myself, in a letter addressed to us in common, that we
should come together, set aside all other business, and finish before
next Sunday whatever is necessary for the next diet on April 8. For
Emperor Charles himself will be present at Augsburg to settle all
things in a friendly way, as he writes in his bull. Therefore,
although you are absent, we three shall do what we can to-day and
tomorrow; still, in order to comply with the will of the Prince, it
will be incumbent upon you to turn your work over to your companions
and be present with us here on the morrow. For things are in a hurry.
Festinata enim sunt omnia." (St. L. 16, 638.)
Melanchthon - also wrote to Jonas on the 15th of March: "Luther is
summoning you by order of the Prince; you will therefore come as soon
as it is at all possible. The Diet, according to the proclamation,
will convene at Augsburg. And the Emperor graciously promises that he
will investigate the matter, and correct the errors on both sides. May
Christ stand by us!" (_C.R._ 2, 28; Foerstemann, 1, 45.) It was to
these articles (Torgau Articles) that the Elector referred when he
wrote to Luther from Augsburg on the Ilth of May: "After you and
others of our learned men at Wittenberg, at our gracious desire and
demand, have drafted the articles which are in religious controversy,
we do not wish to conceal from you that Master Philip Melanchthon has
now at this place perused them further and drawn them up in one form."
(_C.R._ 2, 47.)
22. Luther's Spokesman at Augsburg.
The material, therefore, out of which Melanchthon, who in 1530 was
still in full accord with Luther doctrinally, framed the fundamental
symbol of the Lutheran Church were the thoughts and, in a large
measure, the very words of Luther. Melanchthon gave to the Augsburg
Confession its form and its irenic note; its entire doctrinal content,
however, must be conceded to be "_iuxta sententiam Lutheri_, according
to the teaching of Luther," as Melanchthon himself declared
particularly with respect to the article of the Lord's Supper. (_C.R._
2, 142.) On the 27th of June, two days after the presentation of the
Confession, Melanchthon wrote to Luther: "We have hitherto followed
your authority, _tuam secuti hactenits auctoritatem_," and now, says
Melanchtbon, Luther should also let him know how much could be yielded
to the opponents. (2,146.) Accordingly, in the opinion of Melanchtbon,
Luther, though absent, was the head of the Evangelicals also at
Augsburg. In his answer Luther does not deny this, but only demands of
Melanchthon to consider the cause of the Gospel as his own. "For,"
says he, "it is indeed my affair, and, to tell the truth, my affair
more so than that of all of you." Yet they should not speak of
authority." "In this matter," he continues, I will not be or be called
your author [authority]; and though this might be correctly explained,
I do not want this word. If it is not your affair at the same time and
in the same measure, I do not desire that it be called mine and be
imposed upon you. If it is mine alone, I shall direct it myself." (St.
L. 16, 906. 903. Enders, _Luthers Briefwechsel_, 8, 43.)
Luther, then, was the prime mover also at Augsburg. Without him there
would have been no Evangelical cause, no Diet of Augsburg, no
Evangelical confessors, no Augsburg Confession. And this is what
Luther really meant when he said: "Confessio Augustana mea; the
Augsburg Confession is mine." (Walch 22, 1532.) He did not in the
least thereby intend to deprive Melanchthon of any credit properly due
him with reference to the Confession. Moreover, in a letter written to
Nicolaus Hausmann on July 6, 1530, Luther refers to the Augustana as
"our confession, which our Philip prepared; quam Philippus noster
paravit." (St.L. 16, 882; Enders 8, 80.) As a matter of fact, however,
the day of Augsburg, even as the day of Worms, was the day of Luther
and of the Evangelical truth once more restored to light by Luther. At
Augsburg, too, Melanchthon was not the real author and moving spirit,
but the instrument and mouthpiece of Luther, out of whose spirit the
doctrine there confessed had proceeded. (See Formula of Concord 983,
32-34.)
Only blindness born of false religious interests (indifferentism,
unionism, etc.) can speak of Melanchthon's theological independence at
Augsburg or of any doctrinal disagreement between the Augsburg
Confession and the teaching of Luther. That, at the Diet, he was led,
and wished to be led, by Luther is admitted by Melanchthon himself. In
the letter of June 27, referred to above, he said: "The matters, as
you [Luther] know, have been considered before, though in the combat
it always turns out otherwise than expected." (St.L. 16, 899; C. B. 2,
146.) On the 31st of August he wrote to his friend Camerarius:
"Hitherto we have yielded nothing to our opponents, except what Luther
judged should be done, since the matter was considered well and
carefully before the Diet; _re bene ac diligenter deliberata ante
conventum_." (2, 334.)
Very pertinently E. T. Nitzscli said of Melanchthon (1855) : "With
the son of the miner, who was destined to bring good ore out of the
deep shaft, there was associated the son of an armorer, who was well
qualified to follow his leader and to forge shields, helmets, armor,
and swords for this great work." This applies also to the Augsburg
Confession, in which Melanclithon merely shaped the material long
before produced by Luther from the divine shafts of God's Word.
Replying to Koeller, Rueekert, and Heppe, who contend that the
authorship of the Augsburg Confession must in everv way be ascribed to
Melanchthon, Philip Schaff writes as follows: "This is true as far as
the spirit [which Luther called 'pussyfooting' _Leisetreten_] and the
literary composition are concerned; but as to the doctrines Luther had
a right to say, 'The Catechism, the Exposition of the Ten Commandments,
and the Augsburg Confession are mine."' (Creeds 1, 229.)
23. Drafting the Confession.
May 11 the Confession was so far completed that the Elector was able
to submit it to Luther for the purpose of getting his opinion on it.
According to Melanchthon's letter of the same date, the document
contained almost all articles of faith, _omnes fere articulos fidei._"
(_C.R._ 2, 45.) This agrees with the account written by Melanchthon
shortly before his death, in which he states that in the Augsburg
Confession he had presented "the sum of our Church's doctrine," and
that in so doing he had arrogated nothing to himself; for in the
presence of the princes, etc., each individual sentence had been
discussed. "Thereupon," says Melanchthon, "the entire Confession was
sent also to Luther, who informed the princes that be had read it and
approved it. The princes and other honest and learned men still living
will remember that such was the case. _Missa est denique et Luthero
tota forma Confessionis, qui Principibus scripsit, se hanc
Confessionem et legisse et probate. Haec ita acta esse, Principes et
alii honesti et docti viri adhuc superstites meminerint." (9, 1052.)
As early as May 15 Luther returned the Confession with the remark: "I
have read Master Philip's Apology. I am well pleased with it, and know
nothing to improve or to change in it; neither would this be proper,
since I cannot step so gently and softly. Christ, our Lord, grant that
it may produce much and great fruit, which, indeed, we hope and pray
for. Amen." (St. L. 16, 657.) Luther is said to have added these
words to the Tenth Article: "And they condemn those who teach
otherwise; _et improbant secus docentes_." (Enders, 7, 336.)
Up to the time of its presentation the Augsburg Confession was
diligently improved, polished, perfected, and partly recast. Additions
were inserted and several articles added. Nor was this done secretly
and without Luther's knowledge. May 22 Melancbthon wrote to Luther:
"Daily we change much in the Apology. I have eliminated the article On
Vows, since it was too brief, and substituted a fuller explanation.
Now I am also treating of the Power of the Keys. I would like to have
you read the articles of faith. If you find no shortcoming in them, we
shall manage to treat the remainder. For one must always make some
changes in them and adapt oneself to conditions. _Subinde enim mutandi
sunt, atque ad occasiones accommodandi._" (_C.R._ 2, 60; Luther, 16,
689.) Improvements suggested by Regius and Brenz were also adopted.
(Zoeckler, Die A. K., 18.)
Even Brueek is said to have made some improvements. May 24 the
Nuernberg delegates wrote to their Council: "The Saxon Plan [Apology]
has been returned by Doctor Luther. But Doctor Brueek, the old
chancellor, still has some changes to make at the beginning and the
end." (_C.R._ 2, 62.) The expression "beginning and end (_hinten und
vorne_)," according to Tschackert, is tantamount to "all over
(_ueberall_)." However, even before 1867 Plitt wrote it had long ago
been recognized that this expression refers to the Introduction and
the Conclusion of the Confession, which were written by Brueck. (Aug.
2, 11.) Bretschneider is of the same opinion. (_C.R._ 2, 62.) June 3
the Nuernberg delegates wrote: "Herewith we transmit to Your
Excellencies a copy of the Saxon Plan [Confession] in Latin, together
with the Introduction or Preamble. At the end, however, there are
lacking one or two articles [20 and 21] and the Conclusion, in which
the Saxon theologians are still engaged. When that is completed, it
shall be sent to Your Excellencies. Meanwhile Your Excellencies may
cause your learned men and preachers to study it and, deliberate upon
it. When this Plan [Confession] is drawn up in German, it shall not be
withheld from Your Excellencies. The Saxons, however, distinctly
desire that, for the present, Your Excellencies keep this Plan or
document secret, and that you permit no copy to be given to any one
until it has been delivered to His Imperial Majesty. They have reasons
of their own for making this request. . . . And if Your Excellencies'
pastors and learned men should decide to make changes or improvements
in this Plan or in the one previously submitted, these, too, Your
Excellencies are asked to transmit to us." (2,83.) June 26 Melanchthon
wrote to Camerarius: "Daily I changed and recast much; and I would
have changed still more if our advisers (sumphradmones) had permitted
us to do so." (2, 140.)
24. Public Reading of the Confession.
June 15, after long negotiations, a number of other estates were
permitted to join the adherents of the Saxon Confession. (_C.R_. 2,
105.) As a result, Melanchthon's Introduction, containing a defense of
the Saxon Electors, without mentioning the other Lutheran estates, no
longer fitted in with the changed conditions. Accordingly, it was
supplanted by the Preface composed by Brueck, and translated into
Latin by Justus Jonas, whose acknowledged elegant Latin and German
style qualified him for such services. At the last deliberation, on
June 23, the Confession was signed. And on June 25, at 3 P. m., the
ever-memorable meeting of the Diet took place at which the Augustana
was read by Chancellor Beyer in German, and both manuscripts were
handed over. The Emperor kept the Latin copy for himself, and gave the
German copy to the Imperial Chancellor, the Elector and Archbishop
Albrecht, to be preserved in the Imperial Archives at Mainz. Both
texts, therefore, the Latin as well as the German, have equal
authority, although the German text has the additional distinction and
prestige of having been publiclv read at the Diet.
As to where and how the Lutheran heroes confessed their faith, Kolde
writes as follows: "The place where they assembled on Saturday, June
25, at 3 P.M., was not the courtroom, where the meetings of the Diet
were ordinarily conducted, but, as the Imperial Herald, Caspar Sturm,
reports, the 'Pfalz,' the large front room, i. e., the Chapter-room of
the Bishop's palace, where the Emperor lived. The two Saxon
chancellors, Dr. Greg. Brueek and Dr. Chr. Beyer, the one with the
Latin and the other with the German copy of the Confession, stepped
into the middle of the hall, while as many of the Evangelically minded
estates as had the courage publicly to espouse the Evangelical cause
arose from their seats. Caspar Sturm reports: 'Als aber die gemeldeten
Commissarii und Botschaften der oesterreichischen Lande ihre Werbung
und Botschaft vollendet und abgetreten, sind darauf von Stund' an
Kurfuerst von Sachsen, naemlich Herzog Johannes, Markgraf Joerg von
Brandenburg, Herzog Ernst samt seinem Bruder Franzisko, beide Herzoege
zu Braunschweig und Lueneburg, Landgraf Philipp von Hessen, Graf Wolf
von Anhalt usw. von ihrer Session auf- und gegen Kaiserliche Majestaet
gestanden.' The Emperor desired to hear the Latin text. But when
Elector John had called attention to the fact that the meeting was
held on German soil, and expressed the hope that the Emperor would
permit the reading to proceed in German, it was granted. Hereupon Dr.
Beyer read the Confession. The reading lasted about two hours; but he
read with a voice so clear and plain that the multitude, which could
not gain access to the hall, understood every word in the courtyard."
(19 f.)
The public reading of the Confession exercised a tremendous influence
in every direction. Even before the Diet adjourned, Heilbronn, Kempten,
Windsbeim, Weissenburg, and Frankfurt on the Main professed their
adherence to it. Others had received the first impulse which
subsequently induced them to side with the Evangelicals. Brenz has it
that the Emperor fell asleep during the reading. However, this can
have been only temporarily or apparently, since Spalatin and Jonas
assure us that the Emperor, like the other princes and King Ferdinand,
listened attentively. Their report reads: "_Satis attentus erat Caesar_,
The Emperor was attentive enough." Duke William of Bavaria declared:
"Never before has this matter and doctrine been presented to me in
this manner." And when Eck assured him that he would undertake to
refute the Lutheran doctrine with the Fathers, but not with the
Scriptures, the Duke responded, "Then the Lutherans, I understand, sit
in the Scriptures and we of the Pope's Church beside the Scriptures!
_So hoer' ich wohl, die Luttherischen sitzen in der Schrift und wir
Pontificii daneben!_" The Archbishop of Salzburg declared that he,
too, desired a reformation, but the unbearable thing about it was that
one lone monk wanted to reform them all. In private conversation,
Bishop Stadion of Augsburg, exclaimed, "What has been read to us is
the truth, the pure truth, and we cannot deny it." (St.L. 16, 882;
Plitt, _Apologie_, 18.) Father Aegidius, the Emperor's confessor, said
to Melanchthon, "You have a theology which a person can understand
only if he prays much." Campegius is reported to have said that for
his part he might well permit such teaching; but it would be a
precedent of no little consequence, as the same permission would then
have to be given other nations and kingdoms, which could not be
tolerated. (Zoeckler, A. K., 24.)
25. Luther's Mild Criticism.
June 26 Melanchthon sent a copy of the Confession, as publicly read,
to Luther, who, adhering to his opinion of May 15, praised it, yet not
without adding a grain of gentle criticism. June 29 he wrote to
Melanchthon: "I have received your Apology and cannot understand what
you may mean when you ask what and how much should be yielded to the
Papists. . . . As far as I am concerned, too much has already been
yielded (_plus satis cessum est_) in this Apology; and if they reject
it, I see nothing that might be yielded beyond what has been done,
unless I see the proofs they proffer, and clearer Bible-passages than
I have hitherto seen. . . . As I have always written - I am prepared
to yield everything to them if we are but given the liberty to teach
the Gospel. I cannot yield anything that militates against the Gospel."
(St. L. 16, 902; Enders, 8, 42. 45.) The clearest expression of
Luther's criticism is found in a letter to Jonas, dated July 21, 1530.
Here we read: "Now I see the purpose of those questions [on the part
of the Papists] whether you had any further articles to present. The
devil still lives, and he has noticed very well that your Apology
steps softly, and that it has veiled the articles of Purgatory, the
Adoration of the Saints, and especially that of the Antichrist, the
Pope." Another reading of this passage of Luther: "_Apologiam vestram,
die Leisetreterin, dissimulasse,_" is severer even than the one quoted:
"Apologiam vestram leise treten et dissimulasse._" (St. L. 16, 2323;
Enders, 8, 133.')
Brenz regarded the Confession as written 'very courteously and
modestly, _valde civiliter et modeste._" (_C.R._ 2, 125.) The
Nuernberg delegates had also received the impression that the
Confession, while saying what was necessary, was very reserved and
discreet. They reported to their Council: "Said instruction
[Confession], as far as the articles of faith are concerned, is
substantially like that which we have previously sent to Your
Excellencies, only that it has been improved in some parts, and
throughout made as mild as possible (_allenthalben aufs glimpflichste
gemacht_), yet, according to our view, without omitting anything
necessary." (2, 129.) At Smalcald, in 1537, the theologians were
ordered by the Princes and Estates "to look over the Confession, to
make no changes pertaining to its contents or substance, nor those
of the Concord [of 15361, but merely to enlarge upon matters regarding
the Papacy, which, for certain reasons, was previously omitted at the
Diet of Augsburg in submissive deference to His Imperial Majesty."
(Kolde, _Analecta_, 297.)
Indirectly Melanchthon himself admits the correctness of Luther's
criticism. True, when after the presentation of the Confession he
thought of the angry Papists, he trembled, fearing that he had written
too severely. June 26 he wrote to his most intimate friend, Camerarius:
"Far from thinking that I have written milder than was proper, I rather
strongly fear (_mirum in modum_) that some have taken offense at our
freedom. For Valdes, the Emperor's secretary, saw it before its
presentation and gave it as his opinion that from beginning to end it
was sharper than the opponents would be able to endure." (_C.R._ 2,
140.) On the same day he wrote to Luther: "According to my judgment,
the Confession is severe enough. For you will see that I have depicted
the monks sufficiently." (141.)
In two letters to Camerarius, however, written on May 21 and June 19,
respectively, hence before the efforts at toning down the Confession
were completed, Melanchthon expressed the opinion that the Confession
could not have been written "in terms more gentle and mild, _mitior et
tenior_." (2, 57.) No doubt, Melanchthon also had in mind his far-
reaching irenics at Augsburg, when he wrote in the Preface to the
Apology of the Augsburg Confession: "It has always been my custom in
these controversies to retain, so far as I was at all able, the form
of the customarily received doctrine, in order that at some time
concord might the more readily be effected. Nor, indeed, am I now
departing far from this custom, although I could justly lead away
the men of this age still farther from the opinions of the
adversaries." (101, 11.) Evidently, Melanclithon means to emphasize
that in the Augustana he had been conservative, criticizing only when
compelled to do so for conscience' sake.
26. Luther Praising Confession and Confessors.
Luther's criticism did not in the least dampen his joy over the
glorious victory at Augsburg nor lessen his praise of the splendid
confession there made. In the above-mentioned letter of June 27 he
identifies himself fully and entirely with the Augustana, and demands
that Melanchthon, too, consider it an expression of his own faith, and
not merely of Luther's faith. July 3 he wrote to Melanchthon:
"Yesterday I reread carefully your entire Apology, and it pleases me
extremely (_vehementer_)." (St.L. 16, 913; Enders, 8, 79.) July 6 he
wrote a letter to Cordatus in which he speaks of the Augustana as
"altogether a most beautiful confession, _plane pulcherrima confessio_."
At the same time he expresses his great delight over the victory won
at Augsburg, applying to the Confession Ps. 119, 46: "I will speak of
Thy testimonies also before kings, and will not be ashamed," -a text
which ever since has remained the motto, appearing on all of its
subsequent manuscripts and printed copies.
Luther said: "I rejoice beyond measure that I lived to see the hour
in which Christ was publicly glorified by such great confessors of His,
in so great an assembly, through this in every respect most beautiful
Confession. And the word has been fulfilled [Ps. 119,46]: 'I will
speak of Thy testimonies also before kings'; and the other word will
also be fulfilled: 'I was not confounded.' For, 'Whosoever confesses
Me before men' (so speaks He who lies not), 'him will I also confess
before My Father which is in heaven."' (16, 915; E: 8, 83.) July 9
Luther wrote to Jonas: "Christ was loudly proclaimed by means of the
public and glorious Confession (_publica et gloriosa confessions_) and
confessed in the open (_am Lichte_) and in their [the Papists'l faces,
so that they cannot boast that we fled, had been afraid, or had
concealed our faith. I only regret that I was not able to be present
when this splendid Confession was made (_in hac pulchra confessions_)."
(St. L. 16, 928; E. 8, 94.)
On the same day, July 9, Luther wrote to the Elector: "I know and
consider well that our Lord Christ Himself comforts the heart of Your
Electoral Grace better than I or any one else is able to do. This is
shown, too, and proved before our eyes by the facts; for the opponents
think that they made a shrewd move by having His Imperial Maiesty
prohibit preaching. But the poor deluded people do not see that,
through the written Confession presented to them, more has been
preached than otherwise perhaps ten preachers could have done. Is it
not keen wisdom and great wit that Magister Eisleben and others must
keep silence? But in lieu thereof the Elector of Saxony, together with
other princes and lords, arises with the written Confession and
preaches freely before His Imperial Majesty and the entire realm under
their noses, so that they must hear and cannot gainsay. I think that
thus the order prohibiting preaching was a success indeed. They will
not permit their servants to hear the ministers, but must themselves
hear something far worse (as they regard it) from such great lords,
and keep their peace. Indeed, Christ is not silent at the Diet; and
though they be furious, still they must hear more by listening to the
Confession than they would have heard in a year from the preachers.
Thus is fulfilled what Paul says: God's Word will nevertheless have
free course. If it is prohibited in the pulpit, it must be heard in
the palaces. If poor preachers dare not speak it, then mighty princes
and lords proclaim it. In brief, if everything keeps silence, the very
stones will cry out, says Christ Himself." (16, 815.) September 15, at
the close of the Diet, Luther wrote to Melanchthon: "You have
confessed Christ, offered peace, obeyed the Emperor, endured reproach,
been sated with slander, and have not recompensed evil for evil; in
sum, you have performed the holy work of God, as becomes saints, in a
worthy manner. . . . I shall canonize you (_canonizabo vos_) as
faithful members of Christ." (16, 2319; E. 8, 259.)
27. Manuscripts and Editions of Augustana.
As far as the text of the Augsburg Confession is concerned, both of
the original manuscripts are lost to us. Evidently they have become a
prey to Romish rage and enmity. Eck was given permission to examine
the German copy in 1540, and possibly at that time already it was not
returned to Mainz. It may have been taken to Trent for the discussions
at the Council, and thence carried to Rome. The Latin original was
deposited in the Imperial Archives at Brussels, where it was seen and
perused by Lindanus in 1562. February 18, 1569, however, Philip II
instructed Duke Alva to bring the manuscript to Spain, lest the
Protestants "regard it as a Koran," and in order that "such a damned
work might forever be destroyed; _porque se hunda para siempre tan
malvada obra._"' The keeper of the Brussels archives himself testifies
that the manuscript was delivered to Alva. There is, however, no lack
of other manuscripts of the Augsburg Confession. Up to the present
time no less than 39 have been found. Of these, five German and four
Latin copies contain also the signatures. The five German copies are
in verbal agreement almost throughout, and therefore probably offer
the text as read and presented at Augsburg.
The printing of the Confession had been expressly prohibited by the
Emperor. June 26 Melanchthon wrote to Veit Dietrich: "Our Confession
has been presented to the Emperor. He ordered that it be not printed.
You will therefore see that it is not made public.'(_C.R._ 2,142.)
However, even during the sessions of the Diet a number of printed
editions, six in German and one in Latin, were issued by irresponsible
parties. But since these were full of errors, and since, furthermore,
the Romanists asserted with increasing boldness and challenge that the
Confession of the Lutherans had been refuted, by the Roman Confutation,
from the Scriptures and the Fathers, Melanchthon, in 1530, had a
correct edition printed, which was issued, together with the Apology
in May, 1531. This quarto edition ("Beide: Deutsch Und Lateinisch Ps.
119") is regarded as the _editio princeps_.
For years this edition was also considered the authentic edition of
the Augsburg Confession. Its Latin text was embodied 1584 in the Book
of Concord as the textus receptus. But when attention was drawn to the
changes in the German text of this edition (also the Latin text had
been subjected to minor alterations), the Mainz Manuscript was
substituted in the German Book of Concord, as its Preface explains.
(14.) This manuscript, however, contains no original signatures and
was erroneously considered the identical document presented to the
Emperor, of which it was probably but a copy. In his Introduction to
the Symbolical Books, J. T. Mueller expresses the following opinion
concerning the Mainz Manuscript: "To say the least, one cannot deny
that its text, as a rule, agrees with that of the best manuscripts,
and that its mistakes can easily be corrected according to them and
the _editio princeps_, so that we have no reason to surrender the text
received by the Church and to accept another in place thereof, of
which we cannot prove either that it is any closer to the original."
(78.) Tschackert, who devoted much study to the manuscripts of the
Augsburg Confession, writes: "The Saxon theologians acted in good
faith, and the Mainz copy is still certainly better than Melanchthon's
original imprint [the _editio princeps_]; yet, when compared with the
complete and - because synchronous with the originally presented copy
- reliable manuscripts of the signers of the Confession - the Mainz
Manuscript proves to be defective in quite a number of places." (_L.
c._ 621 f.)
However, even Tschackert's minute comparison shows that the Mainz
Manuscript deviates from the original presented to the Emperor only in
unimportant and purely formal points. For example, in ^U 20 of the
Preface the words: "Papst das Generalkonzilium zu halten nicht
geweigert, so waere E. K. M. gnaediges Erbieten, zu fordern und zu
handeln, dass der" are omitted. Art. 27, ^U 48 we are to read: "dass
die erdichteten geistlichen Orden Staende sind christlicher
Vollkommenheit" instead of: "dass die erdichteten geistlichen
Ordensstaende sind christliche Vollkommenheit." Art. 27, ^U 61 reads,
"die Uebermass der Werke," instead of, "die Uebermasswerke," by the
way, an excellent expression, which should again be given currency in
the German. The conclusion of ^U 2 has "Leichpredigten" instead of
"Beipredigten." According to the manuscripts, also the Mainz
Manuscript, the correct reading of ^U 12 of the Preface is as follows:
"Wo aber bei unsern Herrn, Freunden und besonders den Kurfuersten,
Fuersten und Staenden des andern Teils die Handlung dermassen, wie
E. K. M. Ausschreiben vermag ('bequeme Handlung unter uns selbst in
Lieb' und Guetigkeit') nicht verfangen noch erspriesslich sein wollte"
etc. The words, "bequeme Handlung unter uns selbst in Lieb' und
Guetigkeit," are quoted from the imperial proclamation. (Foerstemann,
7, 378; Plitt, 2, 12.)
Originally only the last seven articles concerning the abuses had
separate titles, the doctrinal articles being merely numbered, as in
the Marburg and Schwabach Articles, which Melanchthon had before him
at Augsburg. (Luther, Weimar 30, 3, 86. 160.) Nor are the present
captions of the doctrinal articles found in the original German and
Latin editions of the Book of Concord, Article XX forming a solitary
exception; for in the German (in the Latin Concordia, too, it bears no
title) it is superscribed: "Vom Glauben und guten Werken, Of Faith and
Good Works." This is probably due to the fact that Article XX was
taken from the so-called Torgau Articles and, with its superscription
there, placed among the doctrinal articles. In the German edition of
1580 the Word "Schluss" is omitted where the Latin has "Epilogus."
As to the translations, even before the Confession was presented to
the Emperor, it had been renderd into French. (This translation was
published by Foersternann, 1, 357.) The Emperor had it translated for
his own use into both Italian and French. (_C.R._ 2, 155; Luther, St.
L., 16, 884.) Since then the Augustana has been done into Hebrew,
Greek, Spanish, Portuguese, Belgian, Slavic, Danish' Swedish, English,
and many other languages. As to the English translations, see page 6.
{Section 1. The Book of Concord, or the Concordia, subsection 4,
English translations.}
28. Signatures of Augsburg Confession.
Concerning the signatures of the Augustana, Tschackert writes as
follows: "The names of the signers are most reliably determined from
the best manuscript copies of the original of the Confession, which
have been preserved to us. There we find the signatures of eight
princes and two free cities, to wit, Elector John of Saxony, Margrave
George of Brandenburg-Ansbach, Duke Ernest of Braunschweig-Lueneburg,
Landgrave Philip of Hesse, then John Frederick, the Electoral Prince
of Saxony, Ernest's brother Francis of Braunschweig-Lueneburg, Prince
Wolfgang of Anhalt, Count Albrecht of Mansfeld, and the cities
Nuernberg and Reutlingen." (_L. c._ 285; see also Luther's letter of
July 6, 1530, St. L. 16, 882.) Camerarius, in his Life of Melanchthon,
relates that Melanchthon desired to have the Confession drawn up in
the name of the theologians only, but that his plan did not prevail
because it was believed that the signatures of the princes would lend
prestige and splendor to the act of presenting this confession of
faith. Besides, this plan of Melanchthon's was excluded by the
Emperor's proclamation.
Although Philip of Hesse, in the interest of a union with the Swiss,
had zealously, but in vain, endeavored to secure for the article
concerning the Lord's Supper a milder form, still, in the end, he did
not refuse to sign. Regius wrote to Luther, May 21, that he had
discussed the entire cause of the Gospel with the Landgrave, who had
invited him to dinner, and talked with him for tnvo hours on the Lord's
Supper. The Prince had presented all the arguments of the
Sacramentarians and desired to hear Regius refute them. But while the
Landgrave did not side with Zwingli (_non sentit cum Zwinglio_), yet
he desired with all his heart an agreement of the theologians, as far
as piety would permit (_exoptat doctorum hominum concordiam, quantum
sinit pietas_). He was far less inclined to dissension than rumor had
it before his arrival. He would hardly despise the wise counsel of
Melanchthon and others. (Kolde, _Analecta_, 125; see also 0. B. 2, 59,
where the text reads, "nam sentit cum Zwinglio" instead of, "non
sentit cum Zwinglio.") Accordingly, the mind of the Landgrave was not
outright Zwinglian, but unionistic. He regarded the followers of
Zwingli as weak brethren, who must be borne with, and to whom
Christian fellowship should not be refused. This also explains how the
Landgrave could sign the Augustana, and yet continue his endeavors to
bring about a union.
May 22 Melanchthon wrote to Luther: "The Macedonian [Philip of Hesse]
now contemplates signing our formula of speech, and it appears as if
he can be drawn back to our side; still, a letter from you will be
necessary. Therefore I beg you most urgently that you write him,
admonishing him not to burden his conscience with a godless doctrine."
Still the Landgrave did not change his position in the next few weeks.
June 25, however, Melanchthon reported to Luther: "The Landgrave
approves our Confession and has signed it. You will, I hope,
accomplish much if you seek to strengthen him by writing him a letter."
(_C.R._ 2, 60. 92. 96. 101. 103. 126; Luther, St. L., 16, 689; 21 a,
1499.)
At Augsburg, whither also Zwingli had sent his _Fidei Ratio_, the
South-German imperial cities (Strassburg, Constance, Memmingen, Lindau)
presented the so-called _Confessio Tetrapolitana_, prepared by Bucer
and Capito, which declares that the Sacraments are "holy types," and
that in the Lord's Supper the "true body" and the "true blood" of
Christ "are truly eaten and drunk as meat and drink for the souls,
which are thereby nourished unto eternal life." However, in 1532 these
cities, too, signed the Augsburg Confession.
Thus the seed which Luther sowed had grown wonderfully. June 25, 1530,
is properly regarded as the real birtbday of the Lutheran Church. From
this day on she stands before all the world as a body united by a
public confession and separate from the Roman Church. The lone, but
courageous confessor of Worms saw himself surrounded with a stately
host of true Christian heroes, who were not afraid to place their
names under his Confession, although they knew that it might cost them
goods and blood, life and limb. When the Emperor, after entering
Augsburg, stubbornly demanded that the Lutherans cease preaching,
Margrave George of Brandenburg finally declared: "Rather than deny my
God and suffer the Word of God to be taken from me, I will kneel down
and have my head struck off." (_C.R._ 2, 115.) That characterizes the
pious and heroic frame of mind of all who signed the Augustana in 1530.
In a letter, of June 18, to Luther, Jonas relates how the Catholic
princes and estates knelt down to receive the blessing of Campegius
when the latter entered the city, but that the Elector remained
standing and declared: "To God alone shall knees be bowed; _In Deo
flectenda sunt genua._" (Kolde, _Analecta_, 135.) When Melanchthon
called the Elector's attention to the possible consequences of his
signing the Augsburg Confession, the latter answered that he would do
what was right, without concerning himself about his electoral dignity;
he would confess his Lord, whose cross he prized higher than all the
power of the world.
Brenz wrote: "Our princes are most steadfast in confessing the Gospel,
and surely, when I consider their great steadfastness, there comes
over me no small feeling of shame because we poor beggars [theologians]
are filled with fear of the Imperial Majesty." (_C.R._ 2,125.) Luther
praises Elector John for having suffered a bitter death at the Diet of
Augsburg. There, says Luther, he had to swallow all kinds of nasty
soups and poison with which the devil served him; at Augsburg he
publicly, before all the world, confessed Christ's death and
resurrection, and hazarded property and people, yea, his own body and
life; and because of the confession which he made, we shall honor him
as a Christian. (St. L. 12, 2078 f.) And not only the Lutheran Church,
but all Protestant Christendom, aye, the entire world has every reason
to revere and hold sacred the memory of the heroes who boldly affixed
their names to the Confession of 1530.
29. Tributes to Confession of Augsburg.
From the moment of its presentation to the present day, men have not
tired of praising the Augsburg Confession, which has been called
_Confessio augusta_, _Confessio augustissima_, the "_Evangelischer
Augapfel_," etc. They have admired its systematic plan, its
completeness, comprehensiveness, and arrangement; its balance of
mildness and firmness; its racy vigor, freshness, and directness; its
beauty of composition, "the like of which cannot be found in the
entire literature of the Reformation period." Spalatin exclaims: "A
Confession, the like of which was never made, not only in a thousand
years, but as long as the world has been standing!" Sartorius: "A
confession of the eternal truth, of true ecumenical Christianity, and
of all fundamental articles of the Christian faith!" "From the Diet of
Augsburg, which is the birthday of the Evangelical Church Federation,
down to the great Peace Congress of Muenster and Osnabrueek, this
Confession stands as the towering standard in the entire history of
those profoundly troublous times, gathering the Protestants about
itself in ever closer ranks, and, when assaulted by the enemies of
Evangelical truth with increasing fury, is defended by its friends in
severe fighting, with loss of goods and blood, and always finally
victoriously holds the field. Under the protection of this banner the
Evangelical Lutheran Church in Germanv has been built up on firm and
unassailable foundations; under the same protection the Reformed
Church in Germany has found shelter. But the banner was carried still
farther; for all Swedes, Danes, Norwegians, and Prussians have sworn
allegiance to it, and the Esthonians, Letts, Finns, as well as all
Lutherans of Russia, France, and other lands recognize therein the
palladium of their faith and rights. No other Protestant confession
has ever been so honored." (Guericke, _Kg_., 3, 116 f.)
Vilmar says in praise of the Confession: "Whoever has once felt a
gentle breath of the bracing mountain air which is wafted from this
mighty mountain of faith [the Augsburg Confession] no longer seeks to
pit against its firm and quiet dignity his own uncertain, immature,
and wavering thoughts, nor to direct the vain and childish puff of his
mouth against that breath of God in order to give it a different
direction." (_Theol. d. Tatsachen_, 76.) In his Introduction to the
Symbolical Books, J. T. Mueller savs: "Luther called the Diet of
Augsburg 'the last trumpet before Judgment Day'; hence we may well
call the confession there made the blast of that trumpet, which,
indeed, has gone forth into all lands, even as the Gospel of God,
which it proclaims in its purity." (78.) The highest praise, however,
is given the Augsburg Confession by the Church which was born with it,
when, e.g., in the Formula of Concord, the Lutherans designate it as
"the symbol of our time," and glory in it as the Confession, which,
though frowned upon and assailed by its opponents, "down to this day
has remained unrefuted and unoverthrown (his auf diesen Tag
unwiderlegt und unumgestossen geblieben) ." (777, 4; 847, 3.)
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